AGYAPADEE: How the Akyem Cabal in NPP plans to ensure their tribal agenda succeeds

AGYAPADEE is a write-up with that emerged in the public domain before the 2016 general election about what a cabal in the NPP ostensibly Akyems who claim to be loyalist of Ofori Paninfie must do ensure their tribal agenda succeeds if the man they simply called Nana in the write-up wins the 2016 general election.

The agenda spelt in that document which includes collapsing banks belonging to Dr Kwabena Dufuor and Dr. Paa Kwesi Nduom have been carried out since Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo became President in January 2017. Now, another AGYAPADEE spelling out the agenda of what the agenda of the Kyebi Mafia must be between 2021 and 2024 has emerged and has made the rounds. Many political watchers have read it and are shocked by the contents especially as the current Akufo-Addo/ Bawumia-led NPP government is pursuing the agenda spelt out in the book. We are bringing to our cherished readers the full text of this second AGYAPADEE write-up. Please Read.

Foreword

To our future, made up of the present, and the unborn, for whom this ‘Will’ of a nation is being prepared. To our foremost King Ofori Panin, the progenies spread across this world for whom, and to whom alone, this sacred document is prepared.

As the heirs of Nana Apeanin Kwaframa, Nana Kuntunkunuku, and Ofori Panin, our people were never defeated in the wars of old. We were nobody’s subjects, and yet, after 1957, we were made to live in the shadows of the descendants of people, who never defeated us in war while the Asante Kingdom was uplifted to put us in the shade. In relatively recent times, the struggles and works of J.B. Danquah to restore Okyeman to its original glory were thwarted. But he fought bravely to the end.

With the arrival of Nana, we see the rebirth of a second J.B. Danquah who has come to the rescue.

Fully cognisant that we are currently part of the modern nation of Ghana, (the name of which was originally proposed by the illustrious son of Ofori Paninfie of Okyeman, J.B. Danquah) and aware that it is currently made up of other diverse peoples, we have to assert our old selves and ensure that we no longer continue to live in the shadows of other kings and people, whose forebears we defeated in wars.

In spite of our tremendous contributions to this Ghana entity, Okyeman has not been credited with the appropriate awe and grandeur that we rightly deserve in recent times.

Currently, with Nana in total control of the whole entity of Ghana, we have a duty to ensure that we take over the commanding heights of the essential fabric of the country, in order that even in the event, that Nana leaves the scene after mandatory eight years, the sons and daughters of Okyeman would be firmly secured and such control, both financially and economically, that we can no longer be ignored in the battle to control the destiny of Ghana.

To achieve, we need to appropriate the fundamental economic and financial levers, which would guarantee such control in years to come.

In doing this, we need to be strategic. We would have to work with other people from some of the diverse ethnic groups, including some carefully selected people in Asante and other diverse ethnicities or lands. This, would make them believe that they also have a hand in the pie. It would obscure any suspicion that the project is essential an Ofori Panin Project. This point is crucial because with electoral politics, we have to have our eyes on the numbers in the electoral process. We cannot be blatant until we are completely secure in the endeavour.

It is especially so, because, so far, the Asantes constitute the single most populous ethnic group in the country.
Although the Asante group within the current NPP is gearing itself to take over the party after Nana’s tenure in 2024, It would be ideal if we could work to by pass them in 2024. With hard work, we could work to pass the mantle over to a non-Akan person. preferably from the North under whose Presidency we could secure the maturity of our take-over project.

When we have finally captured the command and control sectors of the country for our private use, we would then be in a better position to wield the necessary political and economic muscle to manage the destiny of this country under the rein of the house of Ofori Panin.

To be specific, we need to strengthen our efforts to control the mineral resources, as well as the electricity and water institutions. The success of this project depends on the way in which we, for the time being, control the judiciary and the press.

We conclude with a word of caution. Until we have secured the critical sectors under our control, we should minimise the danger of obvious acts of individual corruptio in order not to alienate the rest of the population. We must focus on the ultimate goal. We must seek first the economic and financial levers, and all others will follow eventually.

1.0 ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL SECTOR CONTROL

1.1 Introduction

The economy and financial systems constitute the nerves of every country. Indeed, political power and economic control are inextricably linked in such a way that any group that controls economic might of a nation essentially controls its political power. At the same time, political power is virtually a condition precedent to economic and financial power in our country and Africa as a whole.

Our agenda for political dominance would hinge on our financial might. We, therefore, need overwhelming control of the key economic growth pillars of Ghana. Such dominance would assure significant inflow of resources to finance our political blueprint. Again, control of key economic and financial sectors would give unparalleled leverage in the periods we may not have direct political authority. With economic power, we could manipulate the system to generate an unfavourable economic situation enough to make any government of the day, not directly under our control, to become unpopular. The importance of a significantly large and stable financial firepower to finance the execution of our political and economic control project cannot be overemphasized.

1.2 Phase 1 Overview

The first phase of the Economic and Financial Sector control was to be implemented in Nana’s first term of office. As we get closer to the end of the first term, we have set the ball rolling regarding the objectives set out in our first document.

There have been difficulties, largely due to some pitfalls on our part. For example, the control of the electricity sector could have been handled better, had it not been for the greed of some of the non-Akyem elite we had included as cover.
Again, the way some CSOs obtained vital information easily about the Agyapa project has resulted in them wrong-footing us and emboldened the opposition to jump into the fray. We should, however, find some ingenious ways to over come the opposition.

Changes in the leaderships of most supervisory institutions particularly the Central Bank and Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), has allowed for other blueprints to be implemented. For example, the financial sector ‘cleanup’ successfully eliminated most banks with “hostile” ownerships.

Databank Financial Services has been playing the role of transaction advisor in major government deals while the Enterprise Group is the main insurer of government assets. Our international proxies are also playing their parts in accordance with our broad objectives. The insertion of Kelni GVG into the telecommunication space and the implementation of Unipass at Ghana’s key entry ports are other notable successes of Phase 1.

The digitization of payment processes through the implementation of the Ghana Quick Response codes (GhQR) is progressing steadily and is getting impetus from the desire of banks to entrench digital banking, in response to COVID – 19. The Agyapa Royalties Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) implementation has been slowed by COVID – 19 but is one that must not be allowed to fail.

Notable setbacks occurred in the power sector as civil society and the opposition NDC were able to galvanize enough public opinion against the renegotiated Ameri deal and the Power Distribution Services (PDS) takeover of the Electricity Company of Ghana (ECG). The takeover of kotoka International Airport, by the use of management agreement is also one that is facing considerable headwinds from the workers. The lessons learnt from these must guide our execution of Phase 2 of the Economic and Financial Sector Agenda. These are vital assets that we must pursue in Phase 2.
Our media and public relations wing must strategize to control the public discourse to ensure successful acquisition of these assets.

1. 3 Phase 2

This stage is scheduled to commence from January 2021 given the high likelihood of Ghanaians giving Nana another term to govern this country. This phase would consolidate the gains made in the banking, Insurance & Capital Markets (Financial Services) sector. It will also see to the taking of significant stakes in Mining, Oil & Gas, Telecommunication as well as Marine & Aviation. The area of general Manufacturing & Commerce, which was not part of Phase 1 has been introduced here.

1. 4.Banking, Insurance and Capital Market (Financial Services) Sector
Control of this vital area will need to be expanded from a two-tier system to three-tiers. Consequently, the strategies to be deployed in each of the subsectors would be along the lines of “mother” (supervisory), “biological children” (direct control) and “adopted children” (indirect control).

1.4.1 Banking

Mother: Control of the “mother” is essential to control the industry. So far, the head of the “mother” and his first deputy are strongly aligned to our cause. They are from our compound and we perceive no threat from these two. The second deputy appeases the gender advocates and is also not a source of discomfort. In this vein, there is no need for changes in those places. It is however noted that the head is likely to reach retirement age before the end of Phase 2. In that situation the first deputy would have to be supported to takeover.

Replacement of the first deputy in such circumstances would not be by promoting the second deputy into the role of the first. Rather, a strong Bawumia loyalist should be appointed to the role to further strengthen the Bawumia political cause. This is in line with protecting the legacy of Nana could enable us to side-step and further alienate the Kufour faction.

Biological Children: These are banks in which we should have controlling interest. The collapse of local banks with ties to the opposition NDC and other rival political factions, during the cleanup operations undertaken by the Mother, was a resounding success. It facilitated the flow of substantial financial resources into our war fund through backflow of some of the advertised cleanup costs. The NDC has been poor in coherently and consistently demanding detailed accountability and audit of the funds spent. The process further led to the establishment of Consolidated Bank Ghana (CBG); currently a wholly owned Government of Ghana bank and our proxies are well placed to take controlling interest when the bank is eventually returned to private ownership.

The Ghana Amalgamated Trust (GAT) received GH¢800 million from government to ensure that ADB, Prudential Bank, Universal Merchant Bank, NIB and Omni/BSIC Bank were able to meet the minimum capital requirement set out by the Bank of Ghana. These banks are either government banks (ADB, NIB) in the main or have friendly ownerships. That notwithstanding, our local and international partners are ready and able to takeover government stake arising from the GH¢800 million injection.

The takeover of CBG and the acquisition of significant equity holding in the GAT-assisted banks represent our strategy for direct play in the commercial banking space in the country. As a result of our hold on these banks, two goals would be met, namely, direct financial contribution in the form of dividends and secondly the granting of funding support to our designated local businesses.

Adopted Children: These are the top banks in the local scene with largely foreign ownership that we will not be able to take controlling equity stake. However, we will need to wield substantial influence in their operations through leverage over key management personnel and some board members. The aim here is not necessarily direct financial contribution from these banks but rather to assure funding for private businesses aligned to our cause. In the unlikely event our bloc is not in power, we could also count on them to make pronouncements that will influence public opinion against the ruling government. These adopted children include Absa, Ecobank, GCB, Stanbic Bank and Zenith Bank.

i.ABSA (formerly Barclays): The management of this bank is largely aligned and Antoinette Kwofie, who is the Director of Finance is fully behind our project. This explains her presence on the Board of the Minerals Income Investment Fund (MIIF) Board. In the event that the position of Managing Director of the institution becomes vacant hopefully with Nana still in power, diplomatic channels to Pretoria should be utilized in support of Antoinette ascending to the role. The substantial flow of government business to the bank since Nana came to power should continue to keep the bank on our side.

ii. Ecobank: We have two routes of entry into this institution. First is through SSNIT, which has a seat on the Board of Ecobank Ghana by virtue of its shareholding. That seat is occupied by the Director General of SSNIT. In Phase 2 of our agenda, Kofi Bosompem Osafo Maafo, who is a Deputy Director General of SSNIT, should be made the DG to give him the seat on the Ecobank (Ghana) Board. Secondly, the wife of Ace-Ankomah is the Group Head of Commercial Banking and a member of the Executive Management of the Ecobank Group. Our intelligence is that both the role of Group CEO and Managing Director of Ecobank Ghana will become vacant in the next two to three years. Nana has been advised to use all diplomatic avenues to support Ace-Ankomah’s wife to fill one of these impending vacancies.

iii. GCB Bank: This bank is already under government control. The main strategy here is to ensure that appointments to the Board and key management roles are based on loyalty to our cause.

iv. Stanbic is another South African bank that we can leverage on the diplomatic relationship between Accra and Pretoria to ensure that the successor to Andani and other key appointments subsequent to that are favourable to the project goal.

1.4.1 Insurance

Mother: The current team at the helm of the National Insurance Commission, especially the Insurance Commissioner, is well aligned and so far has worked effectively in furtherance of our objectives. This has underscored a clear understanding of the loyalty to Nana and our broader political objectives. So long as they continue in this vein, there would be no need for changes at the helm. Routine monitoring of how things are unfolding at the Commission is the recommended action for the first half of Phase 2. From 2023. It is envisage that the Commission would be headed by a Bawumia loyalist.

Biological Children: The Enterprise Group is the dominant leader of the insurance industry and its position has been strongly enhanced since the coming into power of NPP government in 2017. There is really no need to aggressively pursue direct acquisition of additional insurance companies. The Phase 2 strategies for continuous control include the following:

i. Continue to push major government insurance deals to Enterprise Insurance.

ii. Sponsor elections of candidates to executive positions of key labour unions such as GNAT, NAGRAT, UTAG, TUTAG, GMA etc so they can influence the appointment of Enterprise Trustees and Enterprise Investment Limited as trustees or fund managers of the Tier 2 & 3 pension funds of those labour unions.
Adopted Children: There is no active strategy for influence of the other insurance companies beyond appointments to the Board and Senior Management of SIC Group.

1.4.2 Capital Market

Mother: Compatriot Ogbarmey Tetteh is doing a fantastic job heading the Securities and Exchange Commission (SIC) just like the banking sector, the cleanup leading to the revocation of licenses of several fund and asset management companies was a success despite legal challenges from a handful of defunct entities in this space. Papa Kwesi Ndoom’s Blackshield Capital is causing a few troubles but he can easily be dealt with using our numerical advantage in the judicial or even his dodgy relationship with the CIA.
Leadership of SEC is one of our key allies and require no changes at all. Of the eleven board members, ten are either directly appointed by the government or representatives of government institutions hence things will always be under our control throughout

Phase 2.

Biological Children: Databank is a household name in the financial industry. It is our beloved child in the industry. Its presence as government adviser on financial transactions is to be intensified, including knobbing interested foreign companies to partner with Databank on such issues. In furtherance of this end, all major government financial transactions are to be executed in the first two years of Nana’s 2nd term. This will bring in the needed funds to fight the battle to install Bawumia as part of the succession plan to the advantage of Bawumia.

Adopted Children: Major players within the securities sector, besides Databank, are EDC Investments of Ecobank, Stanly of Stanbic and SAS of Togbe Afede. These are institutions we will struggle to get into for obvious reasons. Our only chance of influencing the first two somewhat were if our banking strategy is well orchestrated to secure some influence in Ecobank and Stanbic Bank, which will eventually offer some leverage around EDC and Stanbib.
Regarding SAS, all efforts should be made to weaken it by using our feorieng friends to offer juicy fund/asset management roles to key personnel within SAS in order to tempt them away from that setup thus weakening its ability to comepte effectively.

1.4.3 Mining, Oil and Gas industries

Our mining as well as oil& gas strategies ocnstitute a major plank of the blueprint for control the extraction of natural resources which God has generpously bestowed on Ghana; particularly the Akyem land. Growing environmental factors are rendering risky our use of illegal small-scale mining (galamsey) as a source of financing our political objectives. There is therefore the need to rollout a major rigorous legal means of controlling significant stake in legal gold value chain.

To this end a cursory look at the approved concessions should be looked at. Asante Bediatuo is to look the process to take over this concessions detailed below and consolidate them onto the extended Agyapa LLC, incorporated in Jersey.

Companies/Groups/Enterprises Qualified with conditional Qualification
The passage of the Minerals Income Investment Fund Act and the setting up of the first Special Purpose Vehicle (Agyapa Royalties) in Jersey, would allow us, acting in various capacities and through our friends, to acquire majority of the stake to be listed on the London Stock Exchange and the Ghana Stock Exchange. The cash flow would be strategically under-value to maximize our returns. We will get a share of the money raised through IPO on the two exchanges through “pave way” payments by contractors who will work on MIIF funded projects. We will also get a share of the dividends for our equity holding in the SPV.

The funds raised will be used to finance the setup of mining companies by our allies. The Minerals Commission will be pushed to issue licenses and good concessions to these companies. This will effectively transition us from galamsey mining to legally licensed mining companies. Future inflows from these entities will be invested in additional companies to be strategically positioned along the precious minerals value chain.
A similar blueprint will be replicated in the oil and gas sector which will also commence with the setting up of SPVs using petroleum revenues that currently flow into the consolidated fund as receivables to be mortgaged.
The technical team led by D.M (Ofori-Atta) should further evaluate the following details in order to choose the appropriate sites.

1.4.4 Telecommunication

We currently do not have much foothold in this sector. The critical role that telecom companies play in the lives and economic fortunes of this country require us to make a strong entry into the sector. The successful planting of Kelni GVG into the telecom sector has given us unparalleled advantage in terms of having a view of activity flow within the sector and the ability to monitor communication of persons of our choosing. The intelligence gathering power allows us to target and eliminate any potential threat from within the NPP, particularly those not inherently loyal to our cause and Nana’s, which include members of the opposition NDC.

Our sister in charge of the ministry responsible for this sector is doing remarkably well especially her confrontation with MTN Ghana resulting in administrative measures aimed at curtailing the business of MTN. From 2021, legislation will need to be introduced to breakup the business of MTN using national security and anti-trust reasons as justification. Our loyal allies will then be enabled to occupy the spaces to be ceded by MTN. Such entry will yield significant strategic advantages over our competitors.

2.0 THE POLITICAL TERRAIN

As we make the final push for the EC registration, it is important to roll out our final onslaught to ensure that NDC eventually becomes a fringe party.
Whereas we do not expect the Electoral Commissioner herself to blatantly cripple the NDC, we could deploy the other non-EC functions, such as the need to maintain law and order, using our people within the security agencies to frustrate NDC supporters from either registering or voting. Brian Acheampong would be key in this endeavor.
Before then we must have a critical evaluation of our strengths and weaknesses to be well positioned for the task ahead.

2.1 The Party

The Youth and Women’s wings of our party remain our weakest link. Every effort must therefore be made to get our National Organizer to fill in the gap. Same applies to getting Ursula to assist the Women’s wing. The substandard tag on Nana Boakye seems to be a perfect description of who he is, per the earlier assessments made by DM Ofori Atta and the co-writers of the August 2019 report. This is a tag we should actually shroud from his personal knowledge. In the meantime, we should keep up assurances of broad smiles towards him until he is gradually weaned from us. He pales into insignificance in comparison to George Opare Addo of the NDC. It is therefore important to avoid a one-on-one debate between our Youth Organizer and that of the NDC, for the time being.

2.2 Kennedy Agyapong

A very good asset. The Party must, as a matter of need and plausibility defend him going into the 2020 elections. He has the utmost control over our “action troopers” and all the former criminal elements who are purposed for the final push. In addition to his deep pocket, his financing of the grassroots affirms our dire need of him at all cost in the 2020 elections.

While conceding his magnanimity towards the base, his trenchant for being a loose cannon, in attacking persons who should be left alone, is sometimes worrying. As a result, he must eventually be weaned off, as our project reaps dividends, to need less and less of his funding. His self-confessed unbridled quest for personal wealth is a potential threat to causing us to suffer needless exposure. It is important for a dossier to be prepared on him and deliberately leaked through our friends in the opposition who will call for his prosecution. Colonel Opoku is to revise the 2016 plan and progress to his dossier for this purpose but should not be filed under any official seals.

2.3 Samuel Awuku

Sammy is a very good material with excellent political prospects. His loyalty to Nana should be acknowledged to encourage him to repeat his 2016 efforts of getting to the grounds to mobilize the youth. It is imperative, however, to watch his seeming rift with Kojo Oppong Nkrumah. His loyalty beyond the term of Nana cannot be guaranteed hence the need to go all out and prop up Kojo Oppong Nkrumah in a subtle way.

It may be instructive to prepare pieces of information regarding his encounters with the women, which appears to be in excess in his case. It makes him vulnerable to blackmail as a National Organizer and key campaign person. It is perhaps important to limit his access to the inner circle and cordon him off gradually by introducing Mustapha Hameed during the final bouts of the campaign. This will in essence shield Nana from any damage arising from a leak of Sammy’s escapades.

A key point however, is a much dangerous flirtation with the Kufuor camp, an aspect which raises serious questions regarding the need to contain him.

2.4 John Boadu (J.B)

It is perhaps not too good to admit publicly, but his performance has been short of all past General Secretaries. Going forward, we should manage the level of competence which faces us as serious political party. His actions and inactions are a complete definition of wealth accumulation agenda. His blatant involvement in galamsey in the Wassa area, if found, could be an embarrassing state of affairs. The last report prepared by Dr. Amoako Tuffuor affirms that fact as well as the revelation about the monies he took from 183 candidates for government appointments.

Unfortunately, his alcohol addiction and his weakness regarding women makes him hugely vulnerable. That notwithstanding, he has a rare talent to churn out crazy ideas which yield beneficial outcomes. He should only be watched and shepherded to hand over to much more competent person post the 2020 election. He has very little to offer in the 2020 elections and there is the need to import Agyarko, Papa Owusu Ankomah and Kwabena Agyapong to paper over potential flaws coming out of his actions.

2.5 The Rawlings Factor

Although not a party member, he has become very useful tool in the scheme of our affairs. Nana must be encouraged to maintain his relationship with him and ensure a firm grip of him to avoid any damaging loose talk that may affect our chances. So far, his public comments have been favorable.

The NDP, led by Nana Konadu, must be assisted to undertake its activities and to ensure that they file and contest the 2020 elections. It is obvious that whatever votes will be garnered by the NDP will be votes that would otherwise have gone to the NDC.

2.6 Other minor Parties

Further to this, it is ultimately important to ensure we help reactivate and encourage the minor parties to contest. Many of their supporters have an antipathy towards the NDC. With some financial inducements to their polling agents, we could construct an understanding with them to shore up the number of pro-NPP polling agents at the polling stations. It is non-negotiable to ensure that the LGP, GUM, Akua Donkor and GCPP are all cleared to contest.
Depending on the outcome of our next negotiations, the following parties could be eliminating by the Electoral Commission if they fail to agree to our proposition: Maverick Kofi Gane, Kofi Koranteng, Akwasi Odike of the United Progressive Party, Kwasi Busunburum of the Peoples Action Party, New Vision Party, United Renaissance Party and the UFP and the others who may also file.
For the CPP, PNC, and possibly APC, they may be allowed to contest in order to sheath the EC and our government of any wrong doing.

3.0 RELIGION AND CHIEFTAINCY

The Ghanaian population is largely made up of Christians. We must bear that in mind in all our activities. It is therefore essential for the Government to take an interest in the relationship between the Government and the Church.

It is further evident that a large number of discerning Ghanaians are not comfortable with the proliferation of mushroom churches and their activities. This is visible in the large support and commendations received by Kennedy Agyapong when he declared war on the church. Government can easily capitalize on this and quickly come forward with a legislation to regulate these churches. Immediate examples include Rwanda and will bring an end to the vulnerable women who have suffered years of abuse at the hands of these mushroom pastors.

These issues notwithstanding, it is important to identify and profile some church leaders within the country as they seem to perpetrate an agenda against our political tradition. They must be properly contained and muted. Critically, Duncan Williams; His love for money is not in doubt and material inducements and commercial gains make him vulnerable to market incentives. This means that he has a good nose for the highest bidder. His relationship with leading members of the NDC is an open secret. It is therefore important to encourage the EC Chair to build better relations and frequent his place as discreet as possible to seek spiritual directions and make firm pledges of her commitment to a transparent election, knowing very well that he will further reassure the NDC establishment of the honesty of the EC system. This will give them the comfort we need in order to tame a potential NDC aggressive posture towards the EC.

3.1 Bishop Charles Agyin Asare

Quite visibly, an NDC sympathizer, who only appears to speak whenever NPP is in power. He must be watched carefully. Our men within his inner circle have done pretty well with accurate briefs but it is time to adopt an open muscular approach. The respect and esteem with which he is held by other leading pastors may need to be marred by recruiting other high staged pastors to launch vile attacks in some ingenious ways. However, the President must desist from directly responding to him as advised by our people within his inner circle.

3.2 Sam Korankye Ankrah

He is perhaps even more visibly a surrogate of the NDC, who has cleverly concealed this aspect to appear as a national Christian hero. A constant eye watch and monitoring of this man is required with specific efforts to contain his commercial interest which have been identified.

3.3 Pastor Mensa Otabil

Even though sympathetic to us, information suggests that the closure of Capital Bank has somehow affected his loyalty to Nana. Brother Ken Ofori Atta’s account of his demeanor on the night before the announcement of the closure of Capital Bank indicates he was not too averse with our decision. The strategic implication of Ken meeting with the pastor and subsequent feedback from his inner circle points to the impression that he may, out of spite, opt for an NDC replacement. Should that happen, it would be seen as a declaration of war by one of our own. We should be reminded that an insider fighting you is more dangerous than the sworn enemy. In any case, he appears to be more aligned with the Kufuor camp.

Intelligence efforts should be adopted to route his church following against his person should he defect. Possible access to his personal assets, business interests and potential relations with some women will need to be explored in finer detail.

3.4 National Chief Imam

Government must prepare an exit plan for the National Chief Imam. This has become necessary in view of the fact that the demise of his deputy has created a vacancy. The intense lobbying by the other Muslim leaders should be properly handled in the face of the promises we have made to each of them. Government will need to find a discreet way of influencing the process of the appointment of the next National Chief Imam as well as the Deputy.

The candidates for this should be well verified party sympathizers who are likely to stand with the party in crucial circumstances as has been with the current Ashanti Region Imam. Nana has shown his love for the Zongo Community by creating the Zongo Ministry and establishing the Zongo Development Fund. This is both remarkable and historic in the annals of the political history of Ghana. By this singular act, Nana has taken bold steps towards breaking the NDC monopoly of the Zongos. This project is a must if we ever intend remaining relevant within the Zongos.

Finally, cognizance has to be taken for elevating over 50 chieftains to paramountcy status. We need further elevations of such chiefs in redefining our very statehood for which the new uncelebrated old powerful kingdom is to be restored. It is very instructive, looking at the broad coverage of Abuakwa, Kotoku and Bosome. We must critically guard against any such issues of the JSC Amegacher of 2019.

4.0 THE NATIONAL SITUATION AS REGARDS THE MEDIA LANDSCAPE

The media has remained a veritable weapon in shaping public opinion and agenda setting strategy. We therefore have to wage an even more valiant war in pursuit of our grand scheme to capture and dominate the media landscape if our overriding ambition is to be realized. In this regard, we have to adopt a multi-pronged approach while making sure that the critical mass of the nation would not connect the rapid media capture with us.

Phase One: We envisage that the role of Kwadwo Oppong Nkrumah (KON) would continue to be crucial in our quest to dominate the Ghanaian media landscape. He was super when planted around some big weights of the erstwhile Mills-Mahama government. While at Joy FM, his secret recordings from the then government illuminated our discussions and greatly influenced our strategy which culminated in the landslide victory of 2016.

No wonder that Gabby made every effort for the young man to be promoted to the office of a substantive Information Minister.This is more so when we cannot vouch for the credibility and loyalty of Dr Mustapha Hamid, at crucial times. He, Mustapha, was the longest serving spokesperson of Nana but we were shocked when Nana caught him stealing campaign cash in such critical opposition era where we were suffocating from inadequate resources to prosecute the campaign.

It is now obvious that Mr. Nkrumah has an ultimate presidential ambition. We have a fiduciary duty to protect him and to assure him of our support for the future. The support would get him to commit to the media capture agenda. It is satisfying that he has been part of our manifesto drafting from 2012 till date.
In the next government (2021-24), Gabby has already convinced Nana to move Kwadwo Oppong Nkrumah to the Communications Ministry to continue the clamp down on the opposition, as well as the not too friendly radio and television stations.

He is already excited about this promise on two grounds; he would be deemed to remain one of the loyalists for the future. Secondly, that ministry has a one of the richest hence a conduit for him to increase his personal financial muscles for his presidential ambition.

KOJO OPPONG NKRUMAH AND JOURNALISTS

While our team aims at total dominance of the media architecture in the nearest future, there is the need to have a generally good appeal in the media. To this end, we have observed that the discourse in the media has been generally fruitful. This has not happened by accident.

KON has successfully recruited about 80% of top journalists including some with adversarial tendencies towards us. His weekly covet meetings with them to plan the issues of the week have been exceedingly impactful.

The roles of Kwaku Baako, Paul Adom Otchere, Kwame Sefa Kai and OB of Multimedia cannot be under estimated. It is for this reason that Nana nearly sacked Kan Dapaah for delaying the release of their monthly allowance of One Million Ghana Cedis (GH¢1m). Since the National Security budget does not go through the normal scrutiny, this group has to be assured of an enhancement of their regular emoluments in our next government on condition that they work hard for our anticipated victory in December.

URSULA OWUSU ON CLOSURE OF OPPOSITION MEDIA

We score Ursula Owusu 70% for her execution of the agenda to close down pro-NDC radio and Television stations. While we praise her for closing media entities such as Radio XYZ, Kapital Radio, Muntie FM and many more, she scores some low marks in the implementation of the strategy.

We expected her to leave Radio Gold from the list for obvious tactical reasons. She could have waved their debt like she has done for our friendly stations such as Ash FM in Kumasi. She could have been fired for avoidable backlash in strategy but for her longstanding role as Nana’s protege.

PHASE TWO OF MEDIAL Control (2018-2020), JOY 99.5 FM AND OTHERS

There is no doubt that Joy 99.7 fm and the Multimedia Group will remain industry leaders in the communication sphere of the country. While relying on them as a veritable ally, anti-NPP agenda by some of their staff does not portend well for us. We were left with no choice but to have used our ‘boys’ to threaten Manasseh Azure Awuni. While his publications in the past inured to our political benefit, he has overstretched himself in his attempts to assume an air of neutrality. He was influential to our historic victory but his constant attacks on government culminating into the ‘Militia’ documentary was most unfortunate.

ELABORATE SUPPORT TO OUR FRIENDLY MEDIA

Lessons borne out of the Manasseh debate cannot be glossed over. It proved that we cannot overly rely on a seemingly friendly media to take total control of the communication space in the country.

The NCA waivers we offered the Ken City Media and other party affiliates over their licenses must continue. In 2021, KON will present a comprehensive list of other radio stations that must be recruited into this fold.

We have to issue receipts covering the next ten (10) years as being payment of postpaid renewals. Professor Addai has already received instructions from Nana to give tax waivers to the media entities that would be submitted to him. KON is already making sure that about 90% of government advertisements go to the pro-NPP media. Same must be replicated in our next government. These lofty gestures would ensure that our friendly media houses consolidate financial reserves and use the power of financial capacity to outplay the NDC media in the ever-increasing competitive media environment.

RESERVING ELECTRONIC COMMUNICATION FREQUENCIES TO TRUE PARTY FAITHFUL

It is important to note that, while supporting pro-NPP media would attract their loyalty and support towards us, getting our party members to establish radio and TV Stations would be a sure bet. Ursula has been instructed by Nana, through Gabby, to execute plan ‘A’ of this plan. Underpinning the plan is to allocate seized NDC frequencies to our members. Even if the original owners are willing to pay multiple of times, she is to refuse their renewal since dominance over money is our focal point. She is also supposed to reserve majority of the new frequencies to party members who are loyal to the Nana brand. Due to the backlash in the revocation of radio and TV licenses, she must, this time around, identify party members who are already in the media business and or those that the public sees as already rich. Gabby and Chairman Wontumi are part of the plan ‘A’ which continues till 2024 when the Nana completes his two terms. It is important to note that KON will among other strategies as the next Communications Minister, allocate frequencies which are close and can interfere with pro-NDC brands such as Class Media, Power FM and the EIB platforms across the country. We experimented same with Asaase 99.5 FM which was close to Joy 99.7 FM. This is a subtle way to fight the NDC media who may have met all the regulatory requirements.

THE SUPERSONIC RISE OF THE ANGEL BROADCASTING NETWORK (ABN) IS WORRYING

It appears our work at disabling the EIB, GN Media and the ongoing efforts to do same with Multimedia won’t be the end of the struggle. The increasing growth of Kweku Oteng’s media brand must be troubling. Gabby and Kan Dapaah have already met Nana on the way forward in stopping the growing dominance of the ABN. National Security has since dispatched officials to do a thorough forensic audit on all the businesses of Kwku Oteng. In the event no adverse finding is discovered, we shall plant fake versions of his Adonko products on the market. We then have to use the same National Security and the FDA to arrest his production team in the full glare of the media. Like we did to his Angel Natural Capsules using our boys at FDA even in opposition, people will stop buying his Adonko products; the major source of his wealth. Professor Addai has also been instructed by Kan Dapaah to liaise with assigned National Security operatives to spontaneously lockup almost all the ABN brands in the country. They are to accuse them of under invoicing and cutting corners in payments of taxes. The broadcast companies would remain locked-up for about 3 months. This plan should be enough to completely halt the seeming dominance of ABN.

FRANCISCA OTENG MUST BE AXED FROM PARLIAMENT

There is no doubt that one reason that will make our fight against Kwaku Oteng is his daughter who is the MP for Kwabre East. Nana nearly made her a Deputy Minister for Youth and Sports largely due to her age and her father’s influence until the BNI report on her got to him. She seems to be pitching camp with Alan and ignorantly the Ashanti card.

She will work against Dr. Bawumia’s bid after Nana. Although she lobbied for Deputy Ministerial Appointment, Nana only gave her the NYA board membership, just to stop her father from complaining about his token for the 2016 campaign. Sammy Awuku, John Boadu and Chairman Wontumi have been tasked to ensure that she is contested and also, loses the 2024 parliamentary primary of the party. In her stead, the current presiding member of Kwabre East, George Oppong, (soon to be a lawyer) or any other well-known Akufo-Addo supporter must be assisted to take over the seat by hook or crook.

KWAME SEFA KAI VRS PAUL ADOM OTCHERE AND FUTURE

It is an undeniable fact that the two gentlemen have become institutions in their respective rights especially within the media circles. They are undoubtedly, part of the pool of great brands the party shall fall on as we move into the future. While Sefa Kai appears relaxed and waiting for the right time, Paul seems apprehensive anytime Sefa Kai is brought into the picture. At the level of Presidency, there appears to be a groundswell of support for Kwame over Paul anytime communication issues arise.

The kitchen cabinet of Nana feels that while Paul is equally known, he has credibility issues to deal with especially on the conundrum surrounding his withdrawal from the Ghana Law School. Settling on him for the future could create credibility challenges for a ticket. In the next government, Nana will convince Sefa Kai to chair the N.C.A board.

We believe that Paul is easily swayed by money hence we cannot trust him for any sensitive position. Gabby has already agreed with Nana to move Paul from the NCA to the NMC, which he would be supported to chair. We believe that Paul, although may not be too excited about this prospect, he would gladly accept it as compensation for the work he has been doing for us especially on the Metro TV’s GOOD EVENING GHANA show.

HIJACKING OF GBC

The Ghana Broadcasting Corporation remains the largest media entity in terms of resources and reach. This means that any regime that captures GBC will control the critical mass especially in rural communities where the private media does not find economically viable to invest. Sadly, the GBC has largely tilted towards the NDC. Perhaps the duration of the NDC as the longest ruling party has ensured that majority of the GBC workers are anti NPP. We have planned a three-layer approach to capturing and controlling the state broadcaster for good. Firstly, the plan to revoke some of their TV channels will resume in 2021. We have had to backtrack due to the brouhaha surrounding the revocation of their 3 channels. It appears the time; an election year was inappropriate. KON will execute this with finesse and make the channels available to our party business guys whose list is being compiled. A number of the GBC radio stations will be sold since they are not living up to the task.

Secondly, in our next government, we have to execute a massive agenda where most senior GBC staff will proceed on leave. Others will also be transferred to some very remote communities where live appears unbearable. The strategy is to get them resign and their positions be filled with party loyalists. This way, we will not only have taken over the state broadcaster but our plans to sell some of their frequencies will be met with little or no hesitation. Thirdly, the last straw is to continue to ensure that the GBC is inflicted with inadequate budgetary allocations. That will justify the need to sell their frequencies. It will also make their leadership even more loyal since they will have to continually keep mute to get bits of their budgetary releases from the Finance Ministry.

5.0 THE JUDICIARY AND GOVERNANCE IN GHANA

Considering the competitive nature of our work as politicians, there’s always a need to be a step ahead against our opponents to secure our interest, dominance and maintain power in 2020 and the next 20 years. Our focus as a party has always been to position our members and sympathizers at strategic positions both in government and in the judiciary to cover and protect our interest. This has served us well over the period. All the appointments made to the Supreme Court, Court of Appeal and some of the High Courts in Ghana under our government was to promote the NPP agenda and to ensure our country never falls in the hands of the opposition NDC.
Citizens may exercise popular participation in the administration of Justice through the institutions of public and customary tribunals and the Jury and assessor systems. The judicial power of Ghana shall be vested in the Judiciary; accordingly, neither the President nor any organ or agency of the President or Parliament shall have or be given final judicial power.

The recent decision to exclude the use of birth certificate to prove one’s citizenship during the 2020 Voter Registration exercise is a clear example of the agenda to prevent so many people from registering for this year’s election especially in our opponent strongholds. We had statistics to suggest the negative impact it would have had for us had we allowed it. All this was done to pave way for a resounding victory for the NPP and Nana in the 2020 elections. It is important that we maintain the security we enjoy currently under the judicial systems.

It is imperative to observe that in recent times most elections in Africa have been fraught with post-elections legal challenges. Kenya, Ivory Coast and Zimbabwe are few of these cases. As this becomes a norm, our own experience of 2013 should never happen again. We should never be in this situation and the lessons should teach us a lot.

Occasionally it can be discovered that the Courts have been instrumental in shaping the democracy in Ghana, and stakeholders are devotedly operating within the legal framework governing elections, despite logistical, law enforcement and justice delivery challenges. We should as a lineage, be the winner in this.

We have to make sure that even in the unlikely event that the NDC win the 2020 elections that they do not get the chance to appoint morte judges to the Supreme Court. Our control over the judiciary is important for our protection even if we were to lose the election. To prevent such unfortunate situations from occuring, we need to explore all legal avenues to protect our appointtees within the judicial system and find out ways to prevent any new government from making further appointments within the next 10 years at least.

We must also re-strategize our campaign. We need to find ways to get majority of Ghanaians to be on our side. The Agyapa deal may initially create problems for us but we would need good communicators, people with the legal brains to explain the issues to the general population that the deal is in the national interest.
While only the Judiciary can exercise the judicial function, it is slow to resolve disputed facts and law and often strains to uphold executive authority. For instance, while the Constitution commands that the President appoints members of the Electoral Commission acting on the advice of the Council of state, the court has interpreted this requirement as if the President merely has to consult with the Council of State. In another case, the court has taken over two years and is yet to resolve a simple question of law of whether the President can appoint a person who is past the mandatory retirement age to hold a public office. It does not help matters that the President can appoint an unlimited number of judges to the Supreme Court.

While the Nana has been in office for three years, he has appointed nine judges, including two Chief Justices. Admittedly, many of these appointments are made to replace retiring judges and there is no systematic evidence of a deliberate effort to undermine judicial independence. Nevertheless, it feeds the perception that the President is packing the court to gain influence over judicial decisions.

To breathe life into the separation of power doctrine, there is a need to amend Article 108 to allow MPs to introduce private member bills. It is not an entrenched provision of the Constitution and can be amended with a two-thirds majority. Fortunately, Speaker Professor Mike Ocquaye has signaled that even in the absence of a constitutional amendment, Parliament can address this problem. It is expected that the ongoing process to revise the Standing Orders of Parliament will contain provisions to allow MPs to introduce non-finance bills.
It is necessary to amend Article 78 to allow a President to choose majority of Ministers outside Parliament and also to have a ceiling on the number of Ministers required for running government. We also need to place a ceiling on the number of Supreme Court justices and to require all of them to hear all cases, especially those with constitutional ramifications. In the short term and in the absence of a constitutional amendment, as was suggested as far back in 2003 by Professor H. Kwasi Prempeh, there is a need to develope conventions to address some of these gaps rather than take actions that maintain the status quo or exacerbate the problem.

In respect of Article 78, through a convention developed between the Executive and Legislature, a cap on number of ministers can be reached. Ideally, it can double the number required of a cabinet (38) excluding regional ministers. A similar convention can be adopted to provide for a ceiling on the num ber of Supreme Court Justice to be appointed.

The 2020 elections will not be easy for us with current happenings, we need to sit up. Why are we so quiet on the Airbus scandal? Yes we know we haven’t found enough to indict Mahama but a lot of Ghanaians were buying into our approach. Why have we stopped! It is time to go back to the drawing board. We must make sure we use the court system to help us damage the NDC beyond repair. Let us start prosecuting people. That is why we put our people there. Otherwise we have a problem.

Our attempt to take charge of the Judiciary is a matter of necessity. Lest we forget, that in Accra on June 30, 1982, between the hours of 9.00pm and 10:30pm, four peace-loving and illustrious Ghanaian citizens were abducted and callously murdered. The four were Mrs. Justice Cecilia Koranteng-Addo, Justices FP. Sarkodee and K.A. Agyepong and Major Sam Acquah (rtd). Five people – Joachim Amartey Kwei (then 32 years); L/Cpl Samuel Kwaku Amedeka (27); L/Cpl Michael Senya (21); Johnny Dzandu (23) and Tony Tekpor (24) were tried by a National Public Tribunal, chaired by Mr. George Agyekum.

We cannot acquiesce to the public quest for bygones be bygones mantra. It is important to understand that the origin still stays with our good friend and former foe, Mr. Rawlings.

6.0 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Our Russian allies have proven themselves with operation ‘Magazin’. We couldn’t have made it thus far with the aggressive nature of the opposition without this strategic document. By handing out Magazin to the NPP Government, we will need to develop a much longer relationship with them even if in the unlikely situation of the party ever going into opposition.

However, C.O.P Appiatu will need to be handled. Having served as the eye of the Russian federation in our republic, it is very imperative to redevelope relations and try to avert his anger. His refusal to go as an Ambassador to the Ukraine signals that the Russians still trust him and will be unwilling to deal with the party in the long run without him.
The implementation led by Sammy Awuku, Laud Commey, Michael Opoku and rest will still have to be coordinated with Appiatu in its fullest brute form to achieve a total annihilation of the NDC opposition and its leading elements. We need to properly assess the genuineness of Mr. Yevgeny Prigozhin. He had disclosed in the last meeting in London that he was all for Nana and has had no dealings whatsoever, with the former President and his party. He repeated this statement in Sochi at a dinner we had with the Egyptian President. It has however been difficult to double check this statement from Mr. Appiatu.

It is our duty to consider what is set out in the bigger Russian picture and pick and choose what will benefit the family. This is key because Ghana is ranked at level 3 and the magazine programme only suffices up to end of 2020. It is instructive to look at the Moscow grand plan beyond 2020.

The Russian DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY which covers the division of the African economy is meant to contrast the interest of other states. Now, in the light of the above, Kwame and Kusi are to consult and carefully check the benefits of this arrangement as against that of the US to properly position the family and our tradition to be the winners of this political chess game. By way of reference!!

END